By Vera Lee-Schoenfeld
The overarching topic of this quantity is among the primary matters of syntactic concept: How neighborhood is syntax, and what are the measures of syntactic locality? it's argued the following that flow and anaphoric kin are ruled by way of a unified inspiration of locality: the part. On an empirical point, Beyond Coherence brings jointly 3 strands of analysis on German syntax: ‘coherence’, the research of (reduced) infinitive buildings; the possessor dative building, with a dative nominal enjoying the twin position of possessor and affectee; and binding, the distribution of anaphors and pronominals. those it appears disparate components of study intersect in that the locality constraints at the possessor dative development and binding permit the 2 phenomena to function probes for infinitival clause measurement. delivering a Minimalist ‘possessor elevating’ and phase-based binding account, this paintings culminates in a dialogue of the part because the key to some of the opacity results saw within the publication.
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Additional info for Beyond Coherence: The syntax of opacity in German (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today)
Thus, in constructions traditionally analyzed as control structures, where an embedded subject is not overtly expressed, Wurmbrand takes the presence of an embedded object to indicate vP-status of the infinitival complement. The embedded object is then indirect evidence for a PRO-subject in Spec vP. An object that is thematically related to the infinitive but shows up as part of the matrix clause, on the other hand, is argued to indicate that the infinitive is a bare VP, without the functional (vP) layer needed to case-license an object, and thus without a PRO-subject position.
Cc online dictionary lists jemandem (DAT) die Erlaubnis verweigern “refuse somebody permission” and jemandem (DAT) etwas verweigern “refuse somebody something”, and a Google search confirms the frequent occurrence of datives in the context of this verb. GERMAN POSESSOR DATIVES 51 relation in German and the PD relation in Hebrew are subject to apparently similar locality constraints. I will return to a more nuanced discussion in chapter 5, when more of the analytical material has been developed.
Are compatible with the PDC, in Hebrew than in German. While the German PDC in (10b) is clearly unacceptable, the Hebrew equivalent in (10a) is judged grammatical by Landau. Dispensing with a syntactically encoded affectedness condition then might be an acceptable solution for Hebrew (see also Pereltsvaig 2003, an analysis of the Hebrew PDC as possessor raising to a dative light-verb head which is defective in that it does not assign a semantic role to the argument in its specifier), but not for German.
Beyond Coherence: The syntax of opacity in German (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today) by Vera Lee-Schoenfeld